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PostPosted: Wed Jun 13, 2007 5:41 am
by Armenian
Russia’s Geopolitical Counter-Offensive in the Former Soviet Union


In the last two to three years Russia has been on a geopolitical offensive in the countries that were formerly part of the Soviet Union. It has been gradually regaining the ground lost in the aftermath of the American invasion of Afghanistan and the Georgian, Ukrainian and Kyrgyz revolutions. Central Asia. The first major victory for Russia came in Tajikistan in 2004. The country was drifting towards the West following the ouster of the Taliban from neighboring Afghanistan. Moscow worked vigorously to bring the nation back under its sway. The Kremlin repeatedly threatened the Tajik government of Imomali Rakhmonov with the expulsion of one million Tajik workers from Russia, while offering debt relief for the return to Moscow’s orbit. In October of 2004 Russian President Putin and Tajik leader Rakhmonov signed an agreement. Russia agreed to let Tajik laborers remain in Russia and forgave the country $240 million of its $300 million debt.


The South Caucasus

Russia has been equally aggressive on its southern flank in the Caucasus. Moscow managed to further increase its already overwhelming influence in Armenia. It upgraded the Russian military base in Giumry, in the northern part of the country and successfully completed the process of acquiring Armenia’s power distribution network in September 2006. The Russian energy monopoly RAO UES already owns most of Armenian hydroelectric plants and manages the finances of the nuclear power station in Metsamor. In addition, the Kremlin controlled Gasprom is Armenia’s single gas provider. Russian gas generates 40% of Armenia’s electricity, another 40% coming from Russian controlled Metsamor. Gasprom also owns the country’s biggest thermal plant. In November 2006 the giant Russian mobile phone operator Vimpel-Communications bought 90% of the shares in Armenia’s national telecommunications company, ArmenTel, from the Greek firm OTE.

In April 2007 Moscow announced joint uranium excavation venture of Armenia’s uranium reserves, which is scheduled to begin later in this year. Yerevan also agreed to join the International Uranium Enrichment Center, located in Irkutsk region of Russia. Some Armenian experts express their deep concern over Moscow’s suffocating influence in all spheres of the country’s life. However, this doesn’t change the overall picture. The nation remains bound to Moscow to such degree that it leaves even President Putin satisfied. During one of his meetings with Armenian President Robert Kocharian (in February 2007, after the Russian takeover of the Armenian power grid) he half happily and half ironically declared that “there is no issue which can not be solved between Armenia and Russia”. The Kremlin kept Yerevan under close watch to make sure that the piping of the new Iranian-Armenian gas pipeline (that opened in March 2007, transporting gas into Armenia) was small in diameter. Thus Moscow prevented Iran and Armenia from exporting gas to other countries and avoided international competition with Russian Gasprom.

In contrast to Armenia, neighboring Azerbaijan drifted away from Russia and closer to the United States and NATO alliance. In 2006 Moscow attacked Azerbaijan, threatening to increase gas prices twofold. Azerbaijan President Ilham Aliyev defied the Kremlin and on his part threatened to stop the export of gas from Russia to Azerbaijan and the import of oil from Azerbaijan to Russia. In 2005 the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan oil pipeline became operational, transporting Azerbaijani oil via Georgia and Turkey to the West. In 2006 the Baku-Tbilisi-Erzerum pipeline went into operation. It significantly increased the political weight and strategic importance of Azerbaijan, brought it closer to the West and reduced Russian influence in the South Caucasus. Nevertheless, Moscow effectively kept the Karabakh conflict frozen, with a large portion of Baku’s political and diplomatic resources chained to the issue. The Kremlin also succeeded in maintaining its lease on an anti-Missile radar facility in the northern Azerbaijani city of Gabala. Realizing Azerbaijan’s huge importance as an energy rich country, with a highly geostrategic location in Caucasus and in the Caspian basin, the Kremlin doesn’t (and will not) spare its efforts to bring Baku back under Moscow’s influence. So there will be ever increasing pressure applied from Moscow towards Azerbaijan in the coming months or even years, if necessary.

Pro-Western Georgia has been the Kremlin’s main target in southern Caucasus. Russia fully realizes the huge significance of Georgia. If it regains influence over the country Moscow kills two birds with one stone: it gets direct land access to its satellite Armenia and neutralizes increasingly anti-Russian Azerbaijan, which heavily relies on Georgia to transport its abundant gas and oil resources to the West. Moscow has been doing everything it can to bend Georgia and Mikhail Saakashvili’s pro-Western government to its will. Russia heightened tensions in Abkhazia, South Ossetia and the Armenian populated Javakheti region in southern Georgia; sponsored and organized pro-Russian political groups to create social protests and undermine the government; supported anti-government armed revolt of Georgian warlord Emzar Kvitsiani in western Georgia; banned Georgian wines and mineral waters from Russian markets; raised gas price threefold; cut off all air and land connections with the country and deported hundreds of Georgian immigrants from Russia.

However, Saakashvili turned out to be a hard stone for Moscow to break. He managed to accelerate significant political, economic and military reforms in the country. He brought Georgia even closer to the West and to its goal of integration in NATO and eventually into the European Union. Saakashvili’s administration, with Western support, succeeded in starting the withdrawal of Russian military bases from Georgia. The Russian Army will leave the country entirely by the end of 2008. The opening of Baku-Batumi-Ceyhan oil pipeline (in 2005) and the Baku-Tbilisi-Erzerum gas pipeline (in 2006) strengthened Georgia’s national security and regional and international position. However, besides many successes achieved in the nation-building process in the last several years, Georgia’s future is not entirely certain. Moscow doesn’t seem ready to retreat: it is lobbying hard in European capitals (using its energy clout) against NATO membership for Georgia, simultaneously subjecting the nation to almost daily, heavy political and economic blackmail.

Western Frontline

Russia has been similarly aggressive on its geopolitical frontline in post-Soviet Europe. After the humiliation of the Ukraine’s 2004 presidential elections, Moscow worked hard to contain and reverse the Orange Revolution. First, in winter of 2005 Russia heavily hit the country by doubling natural gas prices (gas raw that caused a disruption of gas supplies to Europe). Then, the well-organized and well financed Ukraine’s pro-Russian “Party of Regions” based on Russian speaking voters in the country’s east, gained a vital 33% in Ukraine’s March 2006 parliamentary elections. The formerly disgraced Victor Yanukovich (the leader of the “Party of Regions” and the loser of disputed 2004 presidential elections) was catapulted into the position of Prime-Minister. Since then, he effectively halted the country’s integration process into NATO. Profound disagreements between President Yushenko’s and his pro-Russian Prime-Minister’s policies’ resulted in the dissolution of the Ukrainian parliament in April 2007 and plunged the country into a deep political crisis, that continues to be filled with uncertainty. In addition, by issuing clear threats to the territorial integrity of the Ukraine, Russia’s Ministry of Defense succeeded in maintaining its naval military facilities on the Black Sea coast.



Russia lost a great deal of influence in 1990’s and then in the first years of the new millennia, following the American invasion of Afghanistan and Georgian and Ukrainian revolutions in countries of the former Soviet Union. However, Putin’s Russia never gave up its hegemonic aspirations. But Moscow also realized that economically week Russia, with a disastrous war still going in Chechnya, couldn’t afford an ambitious foreign policy. Putin’s Russia rose quietly and gradually. After the September 11 attacks, Putin agreed to let Americans establish military bases in Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan. In fact Russia could do very little to stop Washington at that time. However, in exchange Russia got a free hand in Chechnya. By 2004-2005 Moscow basically crushed the Chechen rebellion killing the main Chechen field commanders. At the same time the Kremlin consolidated Russia’s entire energy sector in the state’s hands, sending disobedient oligarchs to jails or exile. Moscow gradually acquired about 30%-40% of Europe’s energy markets and unfolded a large scale geopolitical counter-offensive in the countries of the former Soviet Union.

Russia’s tactics were basically the same against post-Soviet states: Moscow allies with semi-authoritarian, corrupt, stagnant and isolated regimes (Uzbekistan, Belarus, Tajikistan) guaranteeing their survival in exchange for their obedience to Moscow. Under the banner of keeping stability in a country and in a wider region Russia poses as a policeman, supporting regimes militarily in case of domestic turbulence. Then Russia establishes (or expands already existing) military presence in a country, tightly chaining a nation’s military complex to its own (Armenia, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan). Simultaneously Russian state monopolies move in on a country, establishing their dominance on a nation’s energy resources (Turkmenistan), energy infrastructure (Armenia, Tajikistan) and their transportation routes (Kazakhstan). In the beginning, the Kremlin backed Russian companies promise many investments, not only in energy sector but also in other sectors of economy, such as telecom, tourism, transportation. However, Moscow never invests enough (or any) capital to make meaningful change. It merely chains local economies to its own, guarantees its dominance, prevents international economic competition and leaves local societies frustrated and impoverished (Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Belarus, Armenia).

Against pro-Western post-Soviet countries Russia deploys various tactics: supports shady separatist regimes (against Moldova, Georgia, Azerbaijan); cuts off gas supplies and astronomically raises prices (Georgia, Moldova, Ukraine, Azerbaijan); applies economic sanctions (Moldova, Georgia); manipulates elections in cooperation with local corrupt and criminal elites (Ukraine); detonates local pro-Russian or Russian forces (Georgia, Ukraine, Estonia). Today Russia is not the world’s strongest country, but it definitely is the strongest power in the former Soviet Union. It had some setbacks and failures in the last few years but overall Moscow is in a much stronger position than it was 4-5 years ago. The Kremlin’s geopolitical successes were contributed to by the instability in the Middle East, high energy prices, wars in Iraq and Afghanistan and not enough activity from the European Union in the nations of the former Soviet Union. Today Russia represents the single biggest threat to the national sovereignty and security of post-Soviet states. Moscow’s goal is not a mere dominance in the region. Russian strategic planners and policy makers have made it amply clear that the Kremlin wants to bring the whole former Soviet landmass under the Russian dominated “Eurasian Union”. Moscow’s new KGB run regime has political will, determination and aggressiveness to do just that. As long as America continues to be bogged down in Iraq and Afghanistan and Europe shows timidity in confronting new Russian neo-imperialism, the Kremlin will find it less and less difficult to achieve its goals. Undoubtedly, there are very hard days ahead of those former Soviet countries which really care for their freedom and future.


PostPosted: Wed Jun 13, 2007 5:42 am
by Armenian

By Zaal Anjaparidze, Wednesday, March 15, 2006

Tensions are running high in Tsalka and Akhalkalaki, two regions of Georgia that are predominantly populated by ethnic Armenians. The latest problem began in Tsalka on March 9, when a trivial brawl at a restaurant between local Armenians and Georgians resulted in the death of Gevork Gevorkian, a 24-year-old Armenian, and injuries to four other Armenians. However, Maria Mikoyan of the Armenian Union in Georgia (Nor Serund) claimed that the fight began because the Georgian young men were irritated by the Armenian music playing in the restaurant.

Although police have arrested five Georgian suspects, about 500 Armenian protesters gathered outside the Tsalka administrative building on March 10, calling for prosecution of the suspects. On March 11, the upheaval spread to Akhalkalaki, a town in the predominately Armenian populated Samtskhe-Javakheti region in southern Georgia.

About 300 participants in the Akhalkalaki rally were Tsalka Armenians. They later took their appeal to the Georgian government and demanded that Tbilisi "stop the policy of pressure by fueling interethnic tensions" and "stop the settlement of other nationalities in Armenian-populated regions." Later, the protesters voiced demands related to the right to conduct court proceedings and government business in the Armenian language. Specifically, they want the central government to make the Armenian language a state language equal to Georgian in the Samtskhe-Javakheti region. Reiterating the alleged threat to the rights of Armenians in Georgia, the appeal also demanded political autonomy for the region.

The rally soon turned violent. The protesters, mostly youth, left the government building and raided a local court chamber, ousting a Georgian judge. They also attacked a building on Tbilisi State University's Akhalkalaki campus and a local Georgian Orthodox Church. Later on Khachatur Stepanian, a representative of the council of Armenian civic groups in Samtskhe-Javakheti, which organized the rally, attempted to soften the anxiety and called the incident a "provocation" staged by "someone else."

On March 11, leaders of the public movement Multiethnic Georgia and the Armenian Union in Georgia complained that police had brutally dispersed the rally in Tsalka where "ethnic confrontation is increasingly becoming a reason behind crimes." They said that if tension in Tsalka and Samtskhe-Javakheti continues, then Tbilisi would be forced to establish direct presidential rule there.

Although Georgian Public Defender Sozar Subari investigated the Tsalka incident and ruled it to be a "communal crime," the majority of the Armenian communities in these regions consider the incident to be a demonstration of ethnic hatred towards Armenians, which they believe is the result of the Georgian government's misguided policies towards ethnic minorities. They further alleged that Georgian law-enforcement agents were working in tandem with those who committed the crime.

United Javakh, a radical Armenian organization in Samtskhe-Javakheti, issued a statement accusing Tbilisi of "discriminatory policies" against "the Armenian population of Javakh," the Armenian nomenclature for the region. They described the recent dismissal of the region's ethnic Armenian judges for ignorance of the Georgian language as "cynically xxxxxling on the rights of the Armenian-populated region." Georgian authorities insist the judges were dismissed for misconduct.

The United Javakh statement warned about "destructive trends in the Georgian government's policy" aimed at artificially creating a "climate of ethnic intolerance" and "crushing the will of Javakh's Armenian population to protect its right to live in its motherland." Finally the statement demands that Tbilisi show "political prudence" and put an end to the "infringement" of the Armenian community's rights.

The content and tone of this and previous statements by United Javakh and other radical Armenian organizations reportedly have strong backing from political forces in Armenia. In fact, the statements recall the language used by the Armenian community in Karabakh in its relations with the Azerbaijani government before war erupted. Vardan Akopian, chair of the Javakh Youth organization, argued, "The current situation in Javakheti is a cross between situations in Nakhichevan and Karabakh." Several protestors explicitly cited the Karabakh precedent.

Symptomatically, on October 8, 2005, Garnik Isagulyan, the Armenian president's national security advisor, bluntly warned Tbilisi to be "extremely cautious" with regard to Samtskhe-Javakheti "because any minor provocation can turn into a large-scale clash" (EDM, October 12, 2005). Various Armenian political parties, officials, and media have actively discussed the problems of the Armenian community in Samtskhe-Javakheti. Some Armenian members of the Georgian parliament linked this activity with the approaching parliamentary elections in Armenia.

Recently Armenian Defense Minister Serge Sarkisian released a paper on security issues in which he expressed concern over the situation in Samtskhe-Javakheti. The excessively critical tone of the Armenian minister towards Tbilisi's policy in Samtskhe-Javakheti reportedly alarmed Georgian politicians and analysts, but they preferred to stay tight-lipped, perhaps to avoid upsetting the already-complex Georgian-Armenian relationship (EDM, August 3, June 7, May 24, March 23, 2005). Russia has tried to capitalize on the problem by fueling tensions in Akhalkalaki, location of a Russian military base slated for closure.

Although the Georgian government is continuously downplaying the ethnic aspects of the disturbances in Armenian-populated regions, this factor appears to lurk beneath the surface. Georgia remains Armenia's sole transport route to Russia and Europe due to the ongoing blockade by Turkey and Azerbaijan. Thus an unstable Samtskhe-Javakheti would hardly be a gain for Yerevan. However, the "Karabakh syndrome" should not be removed from the agenda.


PostPosted: Wed Jun 13, 2007 5:42 am
by Armenian
Second front for Armenia to become fourth one for Georgia

“Claim for autonomy for the Armenian-populated Georgian region of Samtskhe-Javakheti is an approach by the local population. There is no political implication, all the problems are of social nature,” Head of the Armenian Republican Faction Galust Saakyan has said on March 14. According to him, all the regional problems should be settled on the basis of Armenian-Georgian talks. By the way, Galust Saakyan disagreed with Georgian Parliamentary Speaker Nino Burjanadze, who had said that “in Akhalkalaki District of Georgia there some forces that try to increase tension between the Armenian and Georgian population.”

In his turn, Head of the National Revival Party Albert Bazeyan announced that the Armenian authorities should try to influence the processes at the top level to escape more aggravation of tension: “we do not need another unfriendly neighbor.” “Apart from the social issues of the Armenian population of Javakh mentioned above, there is a series of political problems, issues concerning preservation of the national originality. I think, the question of granting the status of cultural autonomy to this region should be discussed,” said Bazeyan.

Meanwhile, as a REGNUM correspondent reports, representatives of Javakh Union at a meeting with the press spoke for holding a referendum in Javakheti, “that will make it clear what the Javakheti people want: either living in Georgia, Armenia, Russia or another state, or gaining independence.” Answering the question, whether the escalation of tension in Javakheti contains a treat that Armenia would obtain the second front taking into consideration the unsettled Karabakh issue, members of the council said: “Why should we be afraid of the second front? If we have a second front, by Georgia it will be the fourth one.”

The Javakh Council also adopted a statement addressed to the Armenian and Georgian authorities. The statement says that “the Javakh Council has repeatedly appealed to the Armenian authorities to pay appropriate attention to the problems of Javakh Armenians and to acknowledge the political element in these problems,” but “the appeals remained unanswered.” As the statement runs further, the Georgian party “was inspired by the total indifference of the Armenian authorities,” which made the former to be “more unruly.”

The authors of the statement do not rule out that “third parties, in particular, Azerbaijan and Turkey, would participate in kindling anti-Armenian activities.” The council puts responsibility for all incidents to the Georgian government and the Georgian Orthodox Church. The council condemned anti-Armenian activities and demonstration of national discrimination, expressed its support for Armenians in Javakheti and urged the Armenian government to call upon the Georgian government to condemn and punish instigators of the anti-Armenian activities. It also called the Armenian authorities together with the Georgian party to work out an action plan towards justified settlement of all the problems of Javakh, including political ones. The Javakh Council assured that it would its utmost to protect Armenians of Javakh and Georgia, to prevent from expelling Armenians from the region. It also promised “to make an appropriate counterstrike to anti-Armenian provocations.”


PostPosted: Wed Jun 13, 2007 5:44 am
by Armenian
Ջավախքը մենք ենք:

PostPosted: Thu Jun 21, 2007 6:25 pm
by Armanen
Georgia foils attempt to smuggle plutonium

Bomb-making material found in car crossing border; drivers sent back

TBILISI, Georgia - Georgian customs officers sent a car carrying a mixture of plutonium and beryllium back to Azerbaijan after foiling an attempt to smuggle the materials over the border, Georgian television reported on Tuesday.

Customs officials found the materials, which can be used in nuclear bombs, in what appeared to be a routine customs check as the car was driven over the border from Azerbaijan, the Imedi television station reported.

"Georgian customs detected a high level of radiation while checking one of the cars," Imedi reported. "They discovered plutonium-beryllium."

There were scant details about the find.

The car was sent back to Azerbaijan although smuggling nuclear materials is a crime under Georgian law. It was unclear if Azeri authorities had been informed.

"The decision to send it back was made," Soso Kakushadze, head of the environment ministry's radiation department, told Reuters.

"It was the right decision as it would have been very expensive to keep it in Georgia and special conditions are needed," he said.

Reports did not indicate where the plutonium and beryllium was from. Interior ministry officials declined to comment.

Used in most nuclear weapons
Plutonium is used in most nuclear weapons, but several kilograms are needed to make even a primitive atomic bomb.

Beryllium, a toxic metal, can be used to form a neutron initiator that triggers a nuclear explosion. It can be used to moderate nuclear reactions.

Georgian special services foiled an attempt by a Russian citizen to sell weapons-grade uranium for $1 million in Georgia in February 2006.

Radioactive materials were used to generate power in remote areas in Soviet times but during the chaos that accompanied the fall of the Soviet Union many devices were abandoned.

PostPosted: Sun Jul 15, 2007 3:02 am
by Armenian
Turkey and Georgia are the parties interested in weakening of the Armenian influence in Javakh

The return of the Meskhetian Turks becomes a problem threatening Armenia's security, for the Turkish ring is almost getting tightened around Armenia. In its first reading the Georgian Parliament passed the bill about the repatriation of Meskhetians (Meskhs), having lived in the South of Georgia and having been resettled in the republics of the Middle Asia in the middle of last century. Georgia starts to realize one of its major responsibilities to Council of Europe. According to these responsibilities the Meskhetian Turks are supposed to be completely repatriated by 2016.

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ According to the bill those who are eager to return to Georgia must submit the relevant documents to the Embassy of Georgia in the countries of their current residence by January 1, 2009. The would-be citizen of Georgia is obliged to reject the citizenship of any other country, as well as to pass a test on the knowledge of the Georgian Language, History and Constitution.

Today there are only 700 Meskhs living in Georgia. According to some assessments, the overall Meskhi population living on the territory of former USSR is about 260-280 people, and from 300.000 up to 750.000 living around the whole world. The origins of the Meskhetian Turks are extremely complicated and have two principle versions existing. According to the first - pro Turkish version, the 80% of them are descendant of ethnic Turks, and the 20% are descendants of native Georgians and Armenians (the Hamshenis; also known as Khemshils), who have adopted Islam in XVII-XVIII centuries and have changed their language. There is also the pro-Georgian version, which says that most of the Meskhetian Turks are descendants of Meskhetian Georgians, with a little touch of ethnic Turks and Azerbaijanis, as well as Armenian speaking Khemshils. The territory of historical Meskheti corresponds with the three regions in Georgia - the region of Adigeni, Akhaltsikhe, and Aspindza, included in the region of Samtskhe-Javakheti, and with a certain region in Turkey. A small group of Meskhetians lived in the East of Ajaria and the North-East of the modern Turkey.

For the Armenians of Javakh the law on repatriation of the Meskhs is a reasonable threat and is fraught with rather negative outcomes. And though the speaker of the Georgian Parliament Nino Burjanadze assures that the repatriates will be settled around the whole territory of Georgia, a part of them, and most likely the largest part, will be settled in Javakh, and this is of great interest first of all to Turkey and Azerbaijan.

If the Meskhetians (Meskhs) are settled in Akhaltsikhe, the demographic situation, which will be in Ankara's hands, will change very soon. In Turkey the number of Meskhetian Turks who are willing to return is rather large, and the presence of the very Meskhetian Turks will allow Turkey to hold the power over the region. Moreover, Samtskhe-Javakheti province of Georgia is strategically of great significance to Turkey, and according to one of the scenarios allocation of Turkish military base instead of the Russian one is anticipated. The Armenians from Javakh cannot stay indifferent towards the issue, as they are well-aware of what such neighborhood may lead to. It shouldn't be forgotten that Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan oil pipeline and Baku-Tbilisi-Erzrum gas pipeline go through Javakh, and Kars-Tbilisi-Baku railroad construction is also supposed to be carried out here. In this regard it is better to have a more obedient and quiet nation living by, than the Armenians and even the Georgians on this territory. It should particularly be underlined that in this issue Turkey's and Georgia's opinions somehow coincide with each other, as both countries are the parties interested in weakening of the Armenian influence in Samtskhe-Javakheti.

However, Georgia doesn't hurry to resettle the Meskhetian Turks in this region. Tbilisi's approach stands out with the fact that first of all Meskhetians are regarded as Turkicized Georgians, which serves as an attempt to ovoid the issue of the national minorities, which later may lead to big problems. Besides Tbilisi tries to settle the Meskhs all over the country and not concentrate them in the regions bordering on Turkey. In some sense it may be noted that here Yerevan and Tbilisi are of common opinion, but the whole question is how long Georgia will be able to resist the pressure form the West and Turkey; most probably not too long. The truth is however that perhaps when Saakashvili leaves the situation will change, but hardly to the better for the Armenian party, if not to the worse. The return of the Meskhetian Turks becomes a problem threatening Armenia's security, for the Turkish ring is almost getting tightened around Armenia.
«PanARMENIAN.Net» analytical department


PostPosted: Wed Jul 18, 2007 6:30 pm
by Armanen
Georgian press: Dashnaks transfer Armenians from Armenia, Nagorno Karabakh, Russia, Syria and Iran in Javakhetia

[ 17 Jul 2007 19:44 ]

“Armenians living ion Javakhetia have recently started to falsify Georgia’s history. Armenian separatists of Samtskhe-Javakhetia, especially pro-dashnaksutyun organizations VIRK, Arshyalus, Parvana, Cavakhk, Unique Cavakhk introduce ancient Georgian territory Javakhetiya as a part of Great Armenia,” reads the article about Armenians actions connected with territorial claims in Georgia published in Palitra and New Seven Days newspapers, APA reports.

Chief of Geyret party Alibala Asgarov told APA that the article written at the appeals of Georgian Young Patriots Union exposes separatist actions of Armenians. The article says that separatist organization Cavadkhkn National Freedom Movement makes aggressive statements addressing the state and Georgian people.
“Armenian separatist strengthen anti-Georgian actions and transfer Armenians from Armenia, Nagorno Karabakh, Russia, Syria and Iran in the region of Ninosminda. Sectarian Russians living in the village of Gorelovka were obliged to leave the region due to the pressures of Armenian chauvinists. Armenian separatists have informal military units in the village of Gandza which pose threats to Georgia’s territorial integrity. Georgian leadership ignores all this since they have blood relations with Armenians, Georgians should prevent chauvinist spirit of Armenians,” the article says.
Alibala Asgarov said that at the end of the article Georgian author mentions Armenians territorial claims against Azerbaijanis and come to the conclusion that Armenians are disgusting and betrayer. /APA/

PostPosted: Thu Jul 19, 2007 2:28 am
by Armenian
Georgian press: Dashnaks transfer Armenians from Armenia, Nagorno Karabakh, Russia, Syria and Iran in Javakhetia

“Armenians living ion Javakhetia have recently started to falsify Georgia’s history. Armenian separatists of Samtskhe-Javakhetia, especially pro-dashnaksutyun organizations VIRK, Arshyalus, Parvana, Cavakhk, Unique Cavakhk introduce ancient Georgian territory Javakhetiya as a part of Great Armenia,” reads the article about Armenians actions connected with territorial claims in Georgia published in Palitra and New Seven Days newspapers, APA reports. Chief of Geyret party Alibala Asgarov told APA that the article written at the appeals of Georgian Young Patriots Union exposes separatist actions of Armenians. The article says that separatist organization Cavadkhkn National Freedom Movement makes aggressive statements addressing the state and Georgian people.

“Armenian separatist strengthen anti-Georgian actions and transfer Armenians from Armenia, Nagorno Karabakh, Russia, Syria and Iran in the region of Ninosminda. Sectarian Russians living in the village of Gorelovka were obliged to leave the region due to the pressures of Armenian chauvinists. Armenian separatists have informal military units in the village of Gandza which pose threats to Georgia’s territorial integrity. Georgian leadership ignores all this since they have blood relations with Armenians, Georgians should prevent chauvinist spirit of Armenians,” the article says. Alibala Asgarov said that at the end of the article Georgian author mentions Armenians territorial claims against Azerbaijanis and come to the conclusion that Armenians are disgusting and betrayer.


PostPosted: Tue Jul 31, 2007 6:07 pm
by Armanen

Noyan Tapan
Jul 30, 2007

of the Georgians of the Ukraine came up with an anti-Armenian statement
in Odessa on July 25, with which it warned that the Armenians living in
the Samtskhe-Javakheti region have recently been taking active steps
against Georgia and have begun to simulate the history of Georgians,
"Javakhk-info reports.

"Armenian nationalistic organizations: "Virk" party, "United Javakhk"
democratic alliance, the subdivision of the "Dashnaktsutiun" party,
as well as "Arshaluys", "Parvana", and "Javakhk" organizations, are
trying to introduce Samtskhe-Javakheti as a historical Armenian land to
international organizations. The rejoining of Samtskhe-Javakheti with
Armenia, as well as the creation of the Great Armenia later have become
primary issues for those organizations," is said in the statement.

According to the authors of the statement, the Armenians of
Samtskhe-Javakheti at the same time force Georgians, Russians and
Greeks out of this territory by taking very different measures. And
in the Gandza village "Armenian separatists" have created armed
detachments, which "are threatening the stability of this region."

"We claim that Armenians should renounce their chauvinistic ideas,
otherwise, they will see us as their rivals. We call to all the
Georgians to unite and struggle against Armenian separatism. Long
live the Georgian nation, long live the united Georgia. Let Armenian
separatists go out of Georgia," the "Sakartvelo" threatens.


28.07.2007 GMT+04:00

Due to its being equidistant from Armenia and Azerbaijan, Georgia
may play its role in the stability of South Caucasus.

The Armenian-Georgian relations have entered a new phase; not that got
worse, just changed. Georgia's unconcealed wish to participate in all
the projects of the region, regardless of everything, gives rise to
a number of questions for the Armenian party, the most important one
of which is - who is the Christian Georgia for Armenia - a friendly
country or something else? It is quite obvious that there are no
eternal friends or enemies in politics, there are only eternal

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ If Georgia's interests lie in getting into
Turks' embrace having freed itself from Moscow, everything is
clear. However things are hardly as straightforward as they may
seem. Armenia and Georgia need each other, and first of all for
resisting pan-Turkism. Yet the present powers of Georgia are guided
by momentary interests. Meanwhile it should be mentioned that due to
the open border with Turkey the Georgian economy suffered a collapse.

Georgia aims at NATO, in fact it's no bad for Armenia either, but if
suddenly Azerbaijan also intends to head to the Alliance, Yerevan
will hardly find itself in an advantageous situation. According to
the representative of the RA National Assembly Standing Committee
on Foreign Affairs, Armen Rustamyan, if Azerbaijan integrates into
NATO and Armenia doesn't, it will upset the balance of powers in the
region. "At present in the region of South Caucasus two tendencies of
development are observed; one tendency is directed to disentanglement
of the nations of the region, and the other one is directed towards
unification. Armenia must choose the second variant, which proceeds
from the national interests. In this case we will be able to meet
any challenge," said Rustamyan.

Due to its being equidistant from Armenia and Azerbaijan, Georgia
may play its role in the stability of South Caucasus. The truth is
though that the unresolved conflicts and rather tense situation in
the Armenian populated region of Samtske-Djavakheti create certain
difficulties for this role. The public policy of Tbilisi regarding
the national minorities and repatriation of Meskhetian Turks gives
not less reasons for anxiety. All the above mentioned factors have
their negative impact on the relations of the two countries.

At the end of October the ceremony of laying Baku-Tbilisi-Kars railroad
will be held. Presidents of Azerbaijan, Turkey and Georgia will be
present at the ceremony. The Turkish Minister of Transportation Ismet
Yilmaz announced that the construction of the main is put out to tender
and offers are accepted till the end of August. "Baku-Tbilisi-Kars
railroad will take Turkey to the 21st Century," said Yilmaz. "The
railroad that reaches Kars maybe connected to Erzrum's line which
will enable cargo transportation from Marmara to London," states

The most interesting part of the whole thing is that Georgia,
without who the realization of the above mentioned project is
simply impossible, hasn't been mentioned in Turkish Minister's
announcement. However Ankara and Baku think that if $ 200 million
is assigned to Georgia almost for nothing, they don't have to take
Georgian's opinion into consideration. In fact, this is true. The New
"East Express" will be both longer and more profitable for all the
parties, except for Armenia. In this regard Georgia acts against us,
and if we recall the case with Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan oil pipeline, and
Baku Erzrum gas pipeline, we will see that this is not the first case.

PostPosted: Thu Aug 02, 2007 6:40 am
by Armanen
15:31 31/07/2007

There were more than 600 Armenian Apostolic Churches in Georgia and
now their number has sharply gone down.

Those that survived are in a miserable state : half-collapsing or
near to that. The only functioning church of the Armenian Apostolic
Church in Tbilisi is St. George church. Havlabar's St. Echmiadzin
is under reconstruction now, St. Georgia church priest, Ter-Narek
Ghushchyan, told Despite the fact that the Armenian
Apostolic Church was established in Georgia 16 centuries ago, it has
no legal status. "We act de facto but the state does not recognize
us with respective regulations and rights," Ter-Narek said.

PostPosted: Sun Aug 26, 2007 3:42 am
by Armanen

18 Aug 07

There has been a stable growth in the number of ethnic Armenians in
Abkhazia since the 1992-1993 Georgian-Abkhaz war, Georgian newspaper
Rezonansi says.

According to Rezonansi, the strengthening Armenian diaspora has
expressed its wish to be involved in Abkhazia's political life. The
report says that ethnic Armenians own 80 per cent of small and medium
business in Abkhazia.

Conflictologist Giorgi Khutsishvili says that Armenians are "in
control" of Gagra District. Mamuka Areshidze, expert in Caucasus
affairs, says that the Abkhaz often "oppress" Armenians as they are
"angered" by their business activities. MP Van Baiburt says that
there are "very few" Armenians in Abkhazia. The following is the
text of report by Elza Tsiklauri in Georgian newspaper Rezonansi on
18 August headlined "Armenians control 80 per cent of businesses in
Gagra". Subheadings have been inserted editorially:

The number of ethnic Armenians in Abkhazia has been steadily growing
since the Georgian-Abkhaz armed conflict [in 1992-1993]. Naturally,
this causes their automatic involvement in the political as well as
business and economic life. Although there are not too many ethnic
Armenians in the de facto government agencies - they have only three
representatives in the 35-seat "People's Assembly" - the Armenians'
share of businesses has been increasing every year. Such activeness
has been especially noticeable in Gagra, one of Abkhazia's profitable
districts, but the Armenians have businesses throughout the de facto
republic's territory. For example, ethnic Armenians own 80 per cent
of all small and medium-sized businesses in Abkhazia.

Growing diaspora

According to unofficial information, there between 65,000 and 68,000
Abkhaz and approximately as many Georgians living in Abkhazia today. As
for Armenians, their number ranges between 70,000 and 80,000. There
are various factors for the growth of the Armenian diaspora in
Abkhazia. For example, after the Georgian-Abkhaz armed conflict,
an intensive settlement of Armenian population started on Abkhaz
territory, especially in northern Abkhazia. After the town of Gagra
and Gagra District, Armenians appeared in Akhali Atoni and adjacent
territories. Later on, Armenians started settling in Gudauta District
as well.

It is also noteworthy that the Armenian diaspora in Abkhazia increased
in numbers after the serious persecution of ethnic minorities started
in [Russia's] Krasnodar [Territory]. Since the Armenians who were
oppressed in Krasnodar have nowhere else to go, they mainly go to
Abkhazia. According to unofficial information, if there is a national
group that is growing in Abkhazia today, it is the Armenian one. The
number of ethnic Armenian population increases by 5,000-6,000 people
every year.

A more important circumstance is that Abkhazia's Armenians have been
gaining a lot of strength of late, expressing a wish to be actively
involved in the de facto republic's political life. This is precisely
why a new party, the Russian Citizens' Union, was created in Sukhumi
before the separatist parliamentary election. As a result, the party
activists or simply the supporters of this party's ideology achieved,
let us say, serious success in this election. Three ethnic Armenians,
Valeriy Mayromyan, Sergey Matosyan and Albert Ovsepyan, got into the
"People's Assembly".

It is also noteworthy that, as soon as the incumbent "People's
Assembly" started working, "President" [Sergey] Bagapsh allowed
the creation of an additional deputy chairman's post especially
for Ovsepyan.

Even though such a large-scale growth of the Armenian diaspora is not
really acceptable to the Abkhaz public and neither are the Abkhaz
especially pleased with the flourishing of Armenian businesses,
there are certain reasons why the de facto government prefers to keep
silent. One of the factors why the Abkhaz public prefers to keep
silence is the activities of the so-called Bagramyan's battalion
during the Georgian-Abkhaz armed conflict. It is well known that
ethnic Armenians still remind Sukhumi of this battalion's actions.

"Balanced" Abkhaz-Armenian relations

Georgian experts too are unanimous in saying that ethnic Armenians
are gradually gaining strength in Abkhazia.

"Armenians are virtually in control of Gagra District today. They
own almost 90 per cent of the businesses there. They are involved in
construction, tourism and trade activities. Apparently, the Armenians
have already taken control of one concrete district which, one can say,
is quite lucrative. The Abkhaz do care about the lack of demographic
balance prevailing in Gagra District but they are not talking about
it openly. It has to be said that relations between ethnic Armenians
and the Abkhaz are quite balanced today.

However, people in Abkhazia also fear that they will become a minority
in their own land, returning to the state of affairs of 1991-1992.

"Nevertheless, no-one in Abkhazia can oppose the Armenian
activeness. They [Armenians] always remind the Abkhaz of their role
during the Georgian-Abkhaz combat operations. They always talk about
the achievements of Bagramyan's battalion. Armenians are very good at
taking advantage of this," Giorgi Khutsishvili, conflictologist [and
head of the International Centre of Conflict and Negotiation NGO],
said in an interview with Rezonansi.

Mamuka Areshidze, who is an expert in Caucasus affairs, confirmed
that Armenian businesses in Abkhazia are growing year after year:
"It cannot be ruled out that 80 per cent of the Abkhaz economy is
precisely under control of ethnic Armenian business structures. Company
directors may often be Abkhaz but the capital would be entirely
Armenian. I am not talking about business with international flair,
for example, Moscow chocolate factory, these are businesses of a
completely different level.

"As for oppressing them, such danger is always present. Today Armenians
in Abkhazia are in the same situation as the rich Jewish financial
groups who were not really protected in medieval France, Italy and
Spain. The Abkhaz are angered by the Armenian business activities,
which is why they often oppress them but there are more of them than
Abkhaz and they are better organized. Incidentally, this is why
Bagapsh is compelled to consider their interests and stop talking
about settlement of Muhajirs [Abkhazians exiled from the Russian
Empire to Muslim countries in the late 19th century]," Areshidze said.

Areshidze also talked about the influence of Bagramyan's battalion,
saying that Armenians still remind Abkhaz of this battalion's
activities during the war: "Armenians tell the Abkhaz that, if it
was not for that battalion, they would not have been where they are
today. They keep reminding Abkhaz of this, telling them that they
should be grateful.

"It also has to be noted here that Bagramyan's battalion was
formed because of our ignorance and stupidity. However, they would
not have been able to do anything solely with this battalion's
actions. Armenians have money and if you have money, you can manipulate
society," Areshidze added.

Unlike Georgian experts, Georgian MP [of Armenian origin] Van Baiburt
called the talk about the strengthening of the Armenian diaspora in
Abkhazia absurd. He said that ethnic Armenians do not account for
more than 40 per cent of the Gagra population.

"Armenians do not have significant businesses in Abkhazia. They
do not own petrol stations or other large companies. They are only
trading. In addition, very few Armenians remained there after the
war. An Armenian language school in Gagra can serve as an example:
before the war, there were over 1,500 children studying there. Today
this number hardly amounts to 300.

I often meet relatives of people who live there in Yerevan and I
know that their situation there is not as good as to boast about,"
Van Baiburt told Rezonansi.